It is time, high time, perhaps compelling time for new thinking on international affairs. The academic literature on international politics happens to be almost
entirely American. Indeed,
international politics as a discipline started to be taught at graduate level not
before the 1960s. Harry Truman who beca,e president after the death of
Frankling Delano Roosevent in 1944, or more precisely, his secretary of state,
Dean Acheson, a high profile attorney, crafted the grammer of international
politics borrowing helpings from European thoughts and practices. However,
balance of power, the template of interstate relations determined by the
Europeans, who also happened to be the modern empire builders, did not suit
the American crafters of a U.S.-dominated praxis of world politics. In the decades of the cold war, the United States became the unconstested leader of
the 'free' world in its all-round confrontation with the Soviet bloc which was
created by Soviet military power that liberated Eastern Europe
and part of the Balkans from Nazi Germany.
At the height of the cold war, China and India jointly authored the Five
Principles of Peaceful Co-existence, of Panchshill, as bedrock of relations between the two newly liberated Asian giants. In a fatal pursuit of hubris,
the Five Principles were grafted on the India-China agreement on Tibet. Panchshil collapsed on the undefined border between India and Tibet soon after the forceful integration of Tibet in the People's Republic of China. Panchshill died on the rugged, mostly barren borders of the two Asian giants with hardly any tears shed. Clashing territorial claims have since been the causus bellum
of scores of wars in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
Intervention, unilateral or multilateral, by either the United States or the
Soviet Union dominated world politics during the cold war. In the U.S.-framed
prose of world politics, America did not invade but merely intervened in the
affairs of a third world country. It was only more than a decade after the
end of the cold war following the collapse of the USSR that president George
Bush invaded Iraq and Afghanistan in traumatic affirmation of a unipolar
world order. The sole superpower went to war in the third world as leader of
a 'coalition of the willing' parters drawn from mostly fram Europe.
After the end of the cold war---or end of history as seen by America---, the 'third world' as a geopolitical concept was quietly allowed to die.Western scholars and analysts divided third world nations into two economic categories
---emerging and developing nations, or, preferably, economies. China, India,
Russia, Brazil and South Africa formed the core group of emerging economies
while the large crowd of sovereign countries inhabiting the planet were grouped
together to form a geo-economic abstraction termed as the'developing
economies'.
and ambiguous. There was no attempt to recreate a Bandung or its
predecessor, the Asian Relations meet. Americans defined international
relations, and took the lead in its application to relations among nations.
The bipolar world became a unipolar universe in U.S. strategic thinking.
From that to the 'preemptive unipolarity' of the Bush presidency was but
a short, natural step forward.
Now, in 2009, American superpower has started melting down. For the first
time in history, Europe has ceased to be the world's primary theatre of war.
It mothered the two world wars of the 20th century and liberated itself
from that sad yoke. More than a hundred wars have been fought since
World War II. They are named as 'conflicts' or 'local wars'. They have been
fought in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
Has given me much food for thought. As a peace activist involved in education, community as well as formal and acdemic the ideas you present help me put things in a different perspective--very, very worthwhile in helping create greater awareness
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